Tupamaros 23 de enero

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Tupamaros 23 de enero

In their low-level insurgency against the Uruguayan government, the Tupamaros killed 50 soldiers, policemen and also civilians like Pascasio Baez, an innocent rural worker killed via pentothal injection after he discovered, by chance, one of the many tupamaro hideaways or "tatuceras".

tupamaros 23 de enero

About 3, Tupamaros were also imprisoned. For most of the s, Uruguay was one of the most flourishing nations in Latin America. During both world wars, Uruguay was considered the "Switzerland of the Americas" as it made the majority of its profits through exporting agricultural goods. With less agricultural exportation and success came lower wages for unionized workers, fewer social services, and increased national tension.

The Tupamaros formed in this time of instability, as a youthful group of students and professionals. They attracted trade union members, students, and people of poor socioeconomic status from rural areas. Its origins lie in the union between the Movimiento de Apoyo al Campesino Peasant Support Movementmembers of trade unions founded by Sendic in poverty-stricken rural zones, and radicalized cells of the Socialist Party of Uruguay.

The movement began by staging the robbing of banks, gun clubs and other businesses in the early s, then distributing stolen food and money among the poor in Montevideo. It took as its slogan, "Words divide us; action unites us.

Later on as the Tupamaros grew, they helped develop the ' Frente Amplio ' political coalition, serving as the counterpart to their underground organization.

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The Frente Amplio combined leftist and centre-left views. At the beginning, it abstained from armed actions and violence, acting not as a guerrilla group but a political movement. The government imprisoned political dissidents, used torture during interrogations, and brutally repressed demonstrations. The Tupamaro movement engaged then in political kidnappings, "armed propaganda" and assassinations.

The Tupamaros peaked as a guerrilla group in and In September over imprisoned Tupamaros escaped the Punta Carretas prison by digging a hole across their cells and then a tunnel that led from the floor of one ground-level cell to the living room of a nearby home. As a result of this, the government summoned the military to prepare a counter-insurgency campaign to suppress the MLN. Nonetheless, in the group was quickly crippled by a series of events. First, it had started to engage in political violence sincea choice that weakened its popular support.

Later on, the MLN directly attacked the military and killed a number of soldiers. The Tupamaros collapsed in mid, with the army killing many of them and capturing a majority of the rest. Shortly after defeating the MLN the military successively confronted the independence of the judiciary in Octoberof the civilian executive branch in Februaryand lastly the independence of the parliament in June They remained there until the restoration of liberal democracy in Uruguay in During the intervening years, the military regime killed and "disappeared" additional numbers of people, focusing particularly on the Communist Party of Uruguay.

The Tupamaros were released from prison after over a decade and they joined together in representing the Frente Amplio coalition party. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the Uruguayan guerrilla group. For the Venezuelan group, see Tupamaro Venezuela. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Part of a series on the. Early History. Fight for Independence. Independent State.After the end of the dictatorship of General Marcos Perez Jimenezthe Caracas area known as " el 23 de Enero " that was occupied by his wealthy officials was then taken over by poor squatters. Nevertheless, throughout their existence, the ideological basis of the movement began to deteriorate. With the emergence of Chavez as president, the group also cooperated with the state in administering social programs and promoting political participation.

It is involved in after-school programs to keep children out of trouble, child care centers, puppet shows, drug rehabilitation and sports programs. According to Dr. George W. Knox, executive director of the National Gang Crime Research Center, the Tupamaros are a " gang " and that they use claims like "helping the oppressed peoples" as a ploy that he describes as similar "to Al Capone offering free soup to Chicago's poor".

The group has refused to renounce use of arms to protect communities considered too dangerous even for police officers. In one such example in the high-crime 23 de Enero neighborhood in western Caracas, thieves, muggers or drug dealers who operate in the area run the risk of being executed by Tupamaros patrolling on motorcycles in death squads. A Tupamaro member known as "Mao" insisted neighbourhood criminals are given ample warning before facing execution.

If they don't listen, we see them again, this time with 10 of our comrades. If they fail to understand the message, we take matters into our own hands. Some have claimed that the Tupamaros execute such criminals because they are competition and they want to have control. Luis Milan, a political science professor at Bolivarian University talked about a riot that began when police opened fire.

With the arrival of more Tupamaros to the aid their comrades police, then, asked for military support, signifying the growing potency of the group.

He added that "They are becoming a legitimate party, they are participating in the political process. It's a different time now. Ismach Leon, a campaign manager for the opposition party First Justice said, "The Tupamaros began following me to get me out of Coche a Caracas slum because I was campaigning for conservative candidate Julio Borges. In April following an event where United States Ambassador William Brownfield donated baseball equipment to a poor community in Caracas, Brownfield's convoy was hit, kicked and pelted with objects.

It was alleged that during the —15 Venezuelan protestsTupamaros worked with the Venezuelan National Guard to attack protesters that opposed the Bolivarian government.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Revolutionary Movement Tupamaro. Politics of Venezuela Political parties Elections. Colombian National Liberation Army in Spanish. Retrieved 26 January Archived from the original on 10 October Retrieved 9 March El Comercio. Retrieved 8 May ABC News. Knox, George. National Gang Crime Research Center. Retrieved 2 December Init was decided to separate 23 de Enero from the Sucre Parish and place it under the "parish" category, keeping the same name of "23 de Enero".

The parish has had a history of social struggle since then. It is located northwest of Caracas, nestled in a series of hills, adjacent to the Catia and Sucre parishes. It is a predominantly residential area, with major recreation areas. It is under the municipal government of the Mayor of the Libertador Bolivarian Municipality and the city of Caracas, also being under the regional jurisdiction of the Government of the Capital Districtwhich are in charge of public works in the sectors grouped in 23 de Enero.

23 de Enero

As ofthe population of was 84, The area as seen from Miraflores Palace. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Parish in Distrito Capital, Venezuela. Construction of the complex in Original plan of the area. Knox, George.

José Pinto negó que colectivos corrieran al Sebin del 23 de Enero

National Gang Crime Research Center. Archived from the original on 19 February Retrieved 9 March El Universal. Parishes of the Libertador Bolivarian Municipality.

23 de Enero

El Recreo San Pedro. Caracas Divisions. Hidden categories: Articles with short description Commons category link is on Wikidata Coordinates on Wikidata.

Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

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Distrito Capital. Wikimedia Commons has media related to 23 de Enero.El MLN-T fue derrotado militarmente, siendo su aparato armado vencido y desarticulado.

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Las acciones de la guerrilla tupamara estuvieron firmadas por distintos operativos. Asimismo, su ejemplo fue imitado en otras latitudes. De Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre. Fuera los gringos liberticidas. Barreiro, Jorge. Global terrorism: foreign policy in the new millennium. Tomo V. Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, pp. Tomo 2: El nacimiento.

Grupo editor, Historia Uruguaya.

Seq ti 84

Montevideo: Ediciones de la Banda Oriental. Consultado el 24 de diciembre de Archivado desde el original el 22 de abril de Consultado el 16 de abril de Tigre de Paper, ed. Tigre de Paper. Archivado desde el original el 6 de febrero de Consultado el 21 de julio de Archivado desde el original el 7 de junio de Consultado el 23 de mayo de El Observador. Archivado desde el original el 9 de junio de Archivado desde el original el 9 de julio de Actas tupamaras.

Consultado el 23 de enero de Datos: Q Multimedia: Tupamaros. Vistas Leer Editar Ver historial. En otros proyectos Wikimedia Commons. Bandera del MLN-T.It is a Friday night in Caracas, Venezuela. We are standing in the back of a pickup truck surrounded by dozens of motorcycles, tearing through the streets of Catia, the massive slum area that makes up nearly half the population of the city. On the motorcycles, revolutionaries young and old, women and men, some masked and waving flags, weave back and forth, sometimes ahead of the truck, sometimes behind.

Fliers are distributed by throwing entire handfuls toward the crowded sidewalks. The motorcycles surge ahead, down narrow barrio streets, to coordinate the progress of the truck and the many cars following it in the caravan, as they make their way through the sometimes clogged streets. Occasionally there is confusion: we cannot pass this way, and the truck is slowly turned around as onlookers, some awestruck some annoyed, watch from the crowded sidewalks.

The caravan pauses occasionally, occupying an entire intersection for several minutes, chanting revolutionary slogans:. And, in reference to the historically-revolutionary neighborhood that most of these groups call home:. Each time we stop, a motorcyclist dismounts to set up an apparatus, makeshift but sturdy, for launching giant bottle rockets into the sky. The deafening explosions only heighten the drama of the caravan.

At one point, a young teenager darts past with what looks like a bundle of burlap. A perimeter is cleared, and he lights what turns out to be a massive firework, but one which detonates on the street rather than in the air. The explosion is deafening. It looks like an earth-bound supernova. For more than two hours we wind through these streets, fumes from the motorcycles and the generator burning my throat and eyes.

The late s saw a waning of the Venezuelan guerrilla struggle, weakened by defeats on both the military and political fronts. Strategic errors and state repression had left what few armed units remained almost entirely isolated from any kind of mass political base. It was in this context of repression that the Venezuelan popular militia movement was born. Neither entirely clandestine nor fully open, small groups began to spring up to defend local barrios from both the state and the burgeoning parallel violence of narcotrafficking.

The police, too, found themselves all the more frequently victims of armed ambushes and shootouts with masked militias.

tupamaros 23 de enero

This became a new code word for both sides: the police used the term to denigrate, local residents to express an amalgam of respect, awe, and uneasiness, and the militants themselves to symbolically unify their struggle into one. Its function lay in the name: this was a broad organization whose goal was to coordinate and unify the activities of the various armed militia collectives that had emerged spontaneously in response to the rising tide of state and para-state violence.

Some collectives sought to maintain absolute autonomy from the electoral arena, others like the remaining Coordinator and more recently the Alexis Vive Collective have accepted positions of non-electoral support in exchange for state funding, and finally some entered more directly into the electoral arena. This electoral strategy was not without its gains: after supporting Chavista candidate Alexis Toledo, Pinto himself would be named police chief of Vargas State.

But the use of the Tupamaro name for electoral politics would not go down well among some revolutionary sectors of 23 de Enero, and after Pinto found himself increasingly less welcome. Our day began in a much less exciting way. Unlike state-sponsored stations, Radio 23 operates on a shoestring budget. As we walk up the gentle hill that crosses from Monte Piedad to Cristo Rey, we pass a massive mural painted by another local revolutionary collective, La Piedrita.

While the zone surrounding La Piedrita was pacified by the armed militia long ago, Cristo Rey is another story altogether. To fight the narcos was to fight the police at the same time.

When the collective set up shop, the first thing they did was to install the large power cables necessary for running a radio station. This was done at 11pm, and by 6am, the cable had been stolen. Almost immediately, the zone was secured, and there has only been one death in the entire area since. But in general, the revolutionary collectives have enjoyed a much more open and supportive atmosphere, cultivating a tight relationship with the Bolivarian government. In recent months, however, this relationship has been strained considerably.

In the aftermath of the botched bombing, Venezuelan security and intelligence DISIP services entered revolutionary neighborhoods for the first time in several years.It is a Friday night in Caracas, Venezuela.

We are standing in the back of a pickup truck surrounded by dozens of motorcycles, tearing through the streets of Catia, the massive slum area that makes up nearly half the population of the city.

tupamaros 23 de enero

On the motorcycles, revolutionaries young and old, women and men, some masked and waving flags, weave back and forth, sometimes ahead of the truck, sometimes behind. Fliers are distributed by throwing entire handfuls toward the crowded sidewalks. The motorcycles surge ahead, down narrow barrio streets, to coordinate the progress of the truck and the many cars following it in the caravan, as they make their way through the sometimes clogged streets. Occasionally there is confusion: we cannot pass this way, and the truck is slowly turned around as onlookers, some awestruck some annoyed, watch from the crowded sidewalks.

The caravan pauses occasionally, occupying an entire intersection for several minutes, chanting revolutionary slogans:. And, in reference to the historically-revolutionary neighborhood that most of these groups call home:. Each time we stop, a motorcyclist dismounts to set up an apparatus, makeshift but sturdy, for launching giant bottle rockets into the sky.

The deafening explosions only heighten the drama of the caravan. At one point, a young teenager darts past with what looks like a bundle of burlap. A perimeter is cleared, and he lights what turns out to be a massive firework, but one which detonates on the street rather than in the air. It looks like an earth-bound supernova. For more than two hours we wind through these streets, fumes from the motorcycles and the generator burning my throat and eyes.

The late s saw a waning of the Venezuelan guerrilla struggle, weakened by defeats on both the military and political fronts. Strategic errors and state repression had left what few armed units remained almost entirely isolated from any kind of mass political base. It was in this context of repression that the Venezuelan popular militia movement was born. Neither entirely clandestine nor fully open, small groups began to spring up to defend local barrios from both the state and the burgeoning parallel violence of narcotrafficking.

The police, too, found themselves all the more frequently victims of armed ambushes and shootouts with masked militias. This became a new code word for both sides: the police used the term to denigrate, local residents to express an amalgam of respect, awe, and uneasiness, and the militants themselves to symbolically unify their struggle into one. Its function lay in the name: this was a broad organization whose goal was to coordinate and unify the activities of the various armed militia collectives that had emerged spontaneously in response to the rising tide of state and para-state violence.

Some collectives sought to maintain absolute autonomy from the electoral arena, others like the remaining Coordinator and more recently the Alexis Vive Collective have accepted positions of non-electoral support in exchange for state funding, and finally some entered more directly into the electoral arena.

This electoral strategy was not without its gains: after supporting Chavista candidate Alexis Toledo, Pinto himself would be named police chief of Vargas State. But the use of the Tupamaro name for electoral politics would not go down well among some revolutionary sectors of 23 de Enero, and after Pinto found himself increasingly less welcome.

Our day began in a much less exciting way. Unlike state-sponsored stations, Radio 23 operates on a shoestring budget.

As we walk up the gentle hill that crosses from Monte Piedad to Cristo Rey, we pass a massive mural painted by another local revolutionary collective, La Piedrita. While the zone surrounding La Piedrita was pacified by the armed militia long ago, Cristo Rey is another story altogether.

To fight the narcos was to fight the police at the same time. When the collective set up shop, the first thing they did was to install the large power cables necessary for running a radio station. This was done at 11pm, and by 6am, the cable had been stolen. Almost immediately, the zone was secured, and there has only been one death in the entire area since.

But in general, the revolutionary collectives have enjoyed a much more open and supportive atmosphere, cultivating a tight relationship with the Bolivarian government. In recent months, however, this relationship has been strained considerably.Aquellos que hemos perdido.

Registrate a nuestro Newsletter. Como resultado de estos ataques, tres personas fallecieron y 23 resultaron heridas. Sin embargo, ellos mismos en reiteradas ocasiones han sido acusados por ataques a comercios e importantes edificios por considerarlos oligarcas y burgueses.

Otra "lucha" que encabezan estos grupos es contra los narcotraficantes. Han asesinado a vendedores y distribuidores, que han querido penetrar en sus zonas de influencia. Share on Facebook.

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El "23 de enero", bastión de los "Tupamaros"

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